Hindutva Terrorism Against Muslims in India (1947—Present)

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Genocides & Pogroms

Burned victims (Muslim); Gujurat Genocide (2002).[1]

"Organized Pogroms & Genocides":— There have been some 27 major anti-Muslim pogroms in India between 1947—1986.[2] In the period of 1986—2011 this dramatically rose to over 46 major anti-Muslim pogroms across India which have culimated in the deaths of tens of thousands of Muslims.[2] Despite all of these attacks being caused by Hindus against Muslims they however note that obtaining data for the number of Muslims murdered is impossible to find; "as statistics are dependent on police records", which are dependent on "the corruption of the local police; the perceived power of those who initiated the riot; whether policemen were injured or fired their weapons; and the level of financial compensation offered to riot victims by the state or central government". Therefore "[a]lmost always, the official death-count figures are much lower than the actual figures".[2] Common triggers of anti-Muslim pogroms are often jealousy of Muslims earning more money[2] and having greater wealth, but also inter-religious love[2] often where Hindu women more than often falls in love with a Muslim man; it's touted by Hindu men as a "global love jihad" conspiracy[3] (multi-award winning Muslim actors such as Amir Khan have even been wildly, and falsly, accused of promoting this in their films[4]). It should be noted that Muslims in India are generally very peaceful people[5] compared to their Hindu neighbours, who have often historically elected genocidal politicians such as Narendra Modi.

The demographics of Muslims in India has suffered a huge decline, primarily because they've been driven out of India because of violence

Sexual Violence:— Historian Tanika Sarkar in April 2002 discovered the BJP lead state of Gujurat, governed by Narandra Modi (now the Prime Minister of India), was indoctrinating Hindu school children in Nazi ideologies, in the midst of a sexually violent pogrom against Gujurati Muslims. The ideology, was that "there are two solution" to non-Hindus living in India, "[o]ne of them is the Nazi solution...[i]f you don't like people, kill them, segregate them".[6] Horrifyingly so, there were leaflets "openly circulating in Gujarat", signed by the "state general secretary, Chinubhai Patel" (who is noted to have said "[w]e will cut them and their blood will flow like rivers...[w]e will kill Muslims..." which stipulated a poem dedicated to the rape of women.[6] The poem begins with a volcano erupting, burning "the arse of miyas" and making "them dance nude", untying "the penises that were tied till now" and widening "the tight vaginas of the bibis [wives]".[6][7] She also notes the especial savagry of the Hindu males where the Muslim woman's body "was a site of almost inexhaustible violence, with infinitely plural and innovative forms of torture...their sexual and reproductive organs...attacked...their children, born and unborn" sharing the same fate.[6] She highlights that this was "[o]ne of the most spectacular forms of sadism...the way Muslim female bodies were made to function in the drama of Hindutva terror".[6][n. 1] Sarkar has saidHindu men feel masculiniarly inferior to Muslims and that this is why they rape.[8]

Hindutva terror attacks (Gujurat; 2002).

Forced Conversions

A letter from the RSS, to the BJP, asking for forced conversion funds.

Ghar Wapsi:— In Decemver 2014, the Indian media published a report on the forced conversions of Muslims to Hinduism by radical Hindu groups in Uttar Pradesh, Northern India.[9][10] According to these sources, around 100 Muslims were forcefully converted over to radical Hindu groups, with signed declarations. However Al-Jazeera noted that the number of those forcefully converted over were actually double, at over 200.[11] The Hindu reported 350 has been forcibly converted (by "inducement").[10] The Hindu Dalit leader, Mayawati, noted that "this is a serious matter as allurement was given to poor [people] to get them converted" and that "we got to know through the media that RSS’ sister organisation Bajrang Dal has forcefully converted Muslims in Agra".[11] Another Hindu leader, Sitaram Yechury, has noted the RSS say "they will covert the nation into a Hindu nation" by force. One of those that underwent the conversion ritual against his will said that they were "told we will get a ration card, Aadhar [ID] card, and that the police will not bother us [again]".[11] The rest of the forcefully converted are not speaking out of "fear of violence".[11] The RSS and the BJP have been seen to collaborate on forced conversions.[1] Muslims are so poorly treated in India as a result of Hinduism; which "has institutionalized hierarchies and inequalities" where there "are thousands of castes and subcastes (jatis), together with their own status whose major criteria are blood purity, color, and traditional occupation".[2]

Historical Revisionism

Kishori Saran Lal[n. 2] ("K.S. Lal"):— is a discredited Indian historian, pseudo-historian and Hindu fanatic,[n. 3] who is notable for having written several books on the Islamic India during the middle ages. Indian journels have noted that he is an "historian known for his adherence to the Sangh Parivar brand of history";[12] who themselves are a family of fanatical, extremist and terroristic[n. 4] organisations[n. 5] of radical Hindu origin.[13][14][15][n. 6] As an academic he had claimed to have estimates on the population of India, claiming the Hindu population fell "seventy-five million" after Muslims had conquered it until 1500 CE.[n. 7] Lal's work, however, was found to be highly questionable (he is also known to have worked with other anti-Muslim writers (and pseudo-historians), such as Andrew Bostom).[n. 8] Lal's claims have thus largely been struck down by many Oxbridge historians, such as Simon Digby[n. 9] and Irfan Habib[n. 10][16], and even Hindu historians (such as J. S. Grewal[17]) who note his methods as widely flawed, "wilful"[18] or "frivolous".[17] Digby for instance noted that the "unknown variables" of his work "are so great and the quality of the data yielded" by the sources "so poor that almost any detailed general estimates of population based upon them must appear wilful".[18] Lal's methods have also been said to have produced "comically" wrong results on computers.[18][n. 11] Another reviewer for his other work, "The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India", A. A. Powell, notes "[Lal's book] represents not history but propoganda".[19][n. 12]

Lal's methods are "comical".
Radical Hindus claim that the Vatican is Hindu.

Architectural Revisionism:— Hindu radicals, who have widespread popular support in India in the form of the religiously-violent BJP Party, often denigrate Muslim and Islamic contributions to India (as well as those of other religions to a lesser extent), such as the construction and design of the Taj Mahal, revising history and claiming they were all creations of Hindus.[20] The historical revisionism of the Taj Mahal can primarily be traced to the ramblings of "Purushottam Nagesh Oak" (who preferred to call himself "P. N. Oak" in his book "Tajmahal: The True Story" (1965).[21] He claimed it was a Hindu temple dedicated to the God Shiva, and that the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan had taken charge of the building from the Maharaja of Jaipur, and further, that the the name is a corrupted version of the word "Tejo Mahalaya"; and lastly that persons associated withe repair and maintenance workers of the Taj Mahal have seen secret "lingams" and other idols deep within the Taj Mahal.[21] Oak has also claimed the Vatican is Hindu in origin (and is a corrupted form of the Sanskrit word "Vatika"), as is the Sistine Chapel ("sivasthana"), further claiming that the Greek philosopher Socrates ("sukrutas") was a Hindu (as was Heroditus who's real name was "Hari-duta"), that Moscow ("moksha") was a land of ancient Hindu sages and that America (amaraka) was the land of the immortals from the Hindu epics, alongside other wildly baffling and conflated claims.[22][23] Lawsuits are continuously being filed against the Taj's Muslim origins.

Hindu Radicals On Islamic and Pre-Islamic India:— On October 25th, 2014, Indian Prime Minister and Hindu radical, Narendra Modi, addressed a congregation of Hindus at a hospital opening ceremony, claiming that genetic science "was present" during Indian antiquity;[24][25] (based upon the story of the elephant God "Ganesh").[24][25] His associates also claim cars ("horseless chariots") and aeroplanes (really "vimana"; or "flying palaces") existed in antiquity as well, before the "1,200 years of slavery" arrived[24] (referring to the expansive and powerful 1,000 year old medieval history of Muslim emperors and their dynasties on the sub-continent). A common narative in India is also that antiquity was just "as advanced as the modern age" before the Muslims and British arrived.[24] It is even claimed the God Krishna's companion, Arjuna, "used nuclear weapons and missiles" during his battles (a reference to his use of bows and arrows in the Hindu epics),[24] but also that televisions were invented at the time of the Hindu "golden age", and that this was also the "origins" of "stem cell research".[24][25] Historical revisionism has been a part of Hindu extremism, even since when they were last in power; with Modi propagating these views repeatedly "in schools when he was chief minister of Gujarat", writing "the preface of a book that claimed the ancient inventions of motor cars, airplanes and origins of stem cell research".[25] Ancient Hindu texts, the "Ramayana" and "Mahabharata" are used often by Hindu historians to "prove that aircraft were in use more than four thousand years ago".[26]

"Vimana".

Genocides & Pogroms

Burned victims (Muslim); Gujurat Genocide (2002).[1]

"Organized Pogroms & Genocides":— There have been some 27 major anti-Muslim pogroms in India between 1947—1986.[2] In the period of 1986—2011 this dramatically rose to over 46 major anti-Muslim pogroms across India which have culimated in the deaths of tens of thousands of Muslims.[2] Despite all of these attacks being caused by Hindus against Muslims they however note that obtaining data for the number of Muslims murdered is impossible to find; "as statistics are dependent on police records", which are dependent on "the corruption of the local police; the perceived power of those who initiated the riot; whether policemen were injured or fired their weapons; and the level of financial compensation offered to riot victims by the state or central government". Therefore "[a]lmost always, the official death-count figures are much lower than the actual figures".[2] Common triggers of anti-Muslim pogroms are often jealousy of Muslims earning more money[2] and having greater wealth, but also inter-religious love[2] often where Hindu women more than often falls in love with a Muslim man; it's touted by Hindu men as a "global love jihad" conspiracy[3] (multi-award winning Muslim actors such as Amir Khan have even been wildly, and falsly, accused of promoting this in their films[4]). It should be noted that Muslims in India are generally very peaceful people[5] compared to their Hindu neighbours, who have often historically elected genocidal politicians such as Narendra Modi.

The demographics of Muslims in India has suffered a huge decline, primarily because they've been driven out of India because of violence

Hindutva terror attacks (Gujurat; 2002).

Sexual Violence:— Historian Tanika Sarkar in April 2002 discovered the BJP lead state of Gujurat, governed by Narandra Modi (now the Prime Minister of India), was indoctrinating Hindu school children in Nazi ideologies, in the midst of a sexually violent pogrom against Gujurati Muslims. The ideology, was that "there are two solution" to non-Hindus living in India, "[o]ne of them is the Nazi solution...[i]f you don't like people, kill them, segregate them".[6] Horrifyingly so, there were leaflets "openly circulating in Gujarat", signed by the "state general secretary, Chinubhai Patel" (who is noted to have said "[w]e will cut them and their blood will flow like rivers...[w]e will kill Muslims..." which stipulated a poem dedicated to the rape of women.[6] The poem begins with a volcano erupting, burning "the arse of miyas" and making "them dance nude", untying "the penises that were tied till now" and widening "the tight vaginas of the bibis [wives]".[6][7] She also notes the especial savagry of the Hindu males where the Muslim woman's body "was a site of almost inexhaustible violence, with infinitely plural and innovative forms of torture...their sexual and reproductive organs...attacked...their children, born and unborn" sharing the same fate.[6] She highlights that this was "[o]ne of the most spectacular forms of sadism...the way Muslim female bodies were made to function in the drama of Hindutva terror".[6][n. 13] Sarkar has saidHindu men feel masculiniarly inferior to Muslims and that this is why they rape.[8]

Forced Conversions

A letter from the RSS, to the BJP, asking for forced conversion funds.

Ghar Wapsi:— In Decemver 2014, the Indian media published a report on the forced conversions of Muslims to Hinduism by radical Hindu groups in Uttar Pradesh, Northern India.[9][10] According to these sources, around 100 Muslims were forcefully converted over to radical Hindu groups, with signed declarations. However Al-Jazeera noted that the number of those forcefully converted over were actually double, at over 200.[11] The Hindu reported 350 has been forcibly converted (by "inducement").[10] The Hindu Dalit leader, Mayawati, noted that "this is a serious matter as allurement was given to poor [people] to get them converted" and that "we got to know through the media that RSS’ sister organisation Bajrang Dal has forcefully converted Muslims in Agra".[11] Another Hindu leader, Sitaram Yechury, has noted the RSS say "they will covert the nation into a Hindu nation" by force. One of those that underwent the conversion ritual against his will said that they were "told we will get a ration card, Aadhar [ID] card, and that the police will not bother us [again]".[11] The rest of the forcefully converted are not speaking out of "fear of violence".[11] The RSS and the BJP have been seen to collaborate on forced conversions.[2] Muslims are so poorly treated in India as a result of Hinduism; which "has institutionalized hierarchies and inequalities" where there "are thousands of castes and subcastes (jatis), together with their own status whose major criteria are blood purity, color, and traditional occupation".[2]

Historical Revisionism

Lal's methods are "comical".

Kishori Saran Lal[n. 14] ("K.S. Lal"):— is a discredited Indian historian, pseudo-historian and Hindu fanatic,[n. 15] who is notable for having written several books on the Islamic India during the middle ages. Indian journels have noted that he is an "historian known for his adherence to the Sangh Parivar brand of history";[12] who themselves are a family of fanatical, extremist and terroristic[n. 16] organisations[n. 17] of radical Hindu origin.[13][14][15][n. 18] As an academic he had claimed to have estimates on the population of India, claiming the Hindu population fell "seventy-five million" after Muslims had conquered it until 1500 CE.[n. 19] Lal's work, however, was found to be highly questionable (he is also known to have worked with other anti-Muslim writers (and pseudo-historians), such as Andrew Bostom).[n. 20] Lal's claims have thus largely been struck down by many Oxbridge historians, such as Simon Digby[n. 21] and Irfan Habib[n. 22][16], and even Hindu historians (such as J. S. Grewal[17]) who note his methods as widely flawed, "wilful"[18] or "frivolous".[17] Digby for instance noted that the "unknown variables" of his work "are so great and the quality of the data yielded" by the sources "so poor that almost any detailed general estimates of population based upon them must appear wilful".[18] Lal's methods have also been said to have produced "comically" wrong results on computers.[18][n. 23] Another reviewer for his other work, "The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India", A. A. Powell, notes "[Lal's book] represents not history but propoganda".[19][n. 24]

Radical Hindus claim that the Vatican is Hindu.

Architectural Revisionism:— Hindu radicals, who have widespread popular support in India in the form of the religiously-violent BJP Party, often denigrate Muslim and Islamic contributions to India (as well as those of other religions to a lesser extent), such as the construction and design of the Taj Mahal, revising history and claiming they were all creations of Hindus.[20] The historical revisionism of the Taj Mahal can primarily be traced to the ramblings of "Purushottam Nagesh Oak" (who preferred to call himself "P. N. Oak" in his book "Tajmahal: The True Story" (1965).[21] He claimed it was a Hindu temple dedicated to the God Shiva, and that the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan had taken charge of the building from the Maharaja of Jaipur, and further, that the the name is a corrupted version of the word "Tejo Mahalaya"; and lastly that persons associated withe repair and maintenance workers of the Taj Mahal have seen secret "lingams" and other idols deep within the Taj Mahal.[21] Oak has also claimed the Vatican is Hindu in origin (and is a corrupted form of the Sanskrit word "Vatika"), as is the Sistine Chapel ("sivasthana"), further claiming that the Greek philosopher Socrates ("sukrutas") was a Hindu (as was Heroditus who's real name was "Hari-duta"), that Moscow ("moksha") was a land of ancient Hindu sages and that America (amaraka) was the land of the immortals from the Hindu epics, alongside other wildly baffling and conflated claims.[22][23] Lawsuits are continuously being filed against the Taj's Muslim origins.

"Vimana".

Hindu Radicals On Islamic and Pre-Islamic India:— On October 25th, 2014, Indian Prime Minister and Hindu radical, Narendra Modi, addressed a congregation of Hindus at a hospital opening ceremony, claiming that genetic science "was present" during Indian antiquity;[24][25] (based upon the story of the elephant God "Ganesh").[24][25] His associates also claim cars ("horseless chariots") and aeroplanes (really "vimana"; or "flying palaces") existed in antiquity as well, before the "1,200 years of slavery" arrived[24] (referring to the expansive and powerful 1,000 year old medieval history of Muslim emperors and their dynasties on the sub-continent). A common narative in India is also that antiquity was just "as advanced as the modern age" before the Muslims and British arrived.[24] It is even claimed the God Krishna's companion, Arjuna, "used nuclear weapons and missiles" during his battles (a reference to his use of bows and arrows in the Hindu epics),[24] but also that televisions were invented at the time of the Hindu "golden age", and that this was also the "origins" of "stem cell research".[24][25] Historical revisionism has been a part of Hindu extremism, even since when they were last in power; with Modi propagating these views repeatedly "in schools when he was chief minister of Gujarat", writing "the preface of a book that claimed the ancient inventions of motor cars, airplanes and origins of stem cell research".[25] Ancient Hindu texts, the "Ramayana" and "Mahabharata" are used often by Hindu historians to "prove that aircraft were in use more than four thousand years ago".[26]

References

Footnotes

  1. ^ "One of the most spectacular forms of sadism in the recent events had been the way Muslim female bodies were made to function in the drama of Hindutva terror. There had been earlier anticipations of that. The investigations made by the AIDWA in 1992-93, especially in Surat and Bhopal, pointed out several similar features. Women were "tortured, molested, raped, and then burnt to death." Sometimes, their children were killed before their eyes. At the same time, more often than not, such atrocities were whispered about and not always confirmed openly. This time, rape victims as well as their male relatives have no inhibition about reporting rape and sexual torture; the police, however, do not admit FIRs on rape, a senior officer claims that mobs have no time for raping, and that Hindus, moreover, do not rape. Fernandes, on the other hand, says that rape is so universally prevalent that Gujarat rapes are not worth talking about. So, it has not happened, or it happens universally; in either case, it cannot or need not be mentioned. Women have been killed in very large numbers. At the mass grave that was dug on 6 March to provide burial to 96 bodies from Naroda Patiya, 46 women were buried. Bilkees Begum from the Godhra Relief camp told a tale that seemed to confirm a recurrent pattern in most places, according to survivors' accounts. She was stripped, gang-raped, her baby was killed before her, she was then beaten up, then burnt and left for dead. For variety's sake, other women also had acid thrown upon them, and then burnt in fires. A women's' fact-finding report sums up the usual procedure: " …rape, gang rape, mass rape, stripping, insertion of objects into their body, molestation… a majority of rape victims were burnt alive. " Before they were finally killed off, some were beaten up with rods and pipes for almost an hour. Before or after the killing, their vagina would be sliced, or would have iron rods pushed inside. Similarly, their bellies would be cut open or would have hard objects inserted into them. A thirteen year old girl, Farzana, had a rod pushed into her stomach, and was then burnt. A mother reported that her three year old baby girl was raped and killed in front of her, while elsewhere daughters reported on the rapes of their mothers, now dead. Kausar Bano, a young girl from Naroda Patiya was 9 month's pregnant. Several eyewitnesses testified that she was raped, tortured, her womb was slit open with a sword to disgorge the foetus which was then hacked to pieces and roasted alive with the mother. At Fatehpura, more than 50 young girls were paraded naked, and then asked to urinate. After they were rescued by a Muslim ambulance service, they travelled to the camp without a stitch on them. Other victims arrived naked at camps, too, after acid had been poured upon their clothes, which they tore off in agony from their burning and peeling bodies. Medina Mustafa Ismail Shaikh reported from Kalol camp: "My daughter was like a flower, still to experience life…The monsters tore my beloved daughter to pieces..the mob was saying, cut them to pieces, leave no evidence… I saw fires being lit. After some time, the mob started leaving. And it became quiet. " It became very quiet, for the voices of children could not be heard. A very large number of parents, especially mothers, had to see their children die in excruciating agony before they, too, were tortured and burnt. At the mass grave for 96 people, they buried a six-month old baby. Fatimabibi, who secretly came to Delhi to testify to the violence, kept repeating dementedly: " Innocent (masoom) tender babies were crying for water, they filled them up with petrol and then lit them up." At Randhikapur village, a young pregnant woman first saw her baby cut to piecs. Then she was raped and her foetus was ripped out and killed,. They beat her up and left her for dead. Four year old Asif died of 90% burns after several days' of agony. Before he died, The Hindu took a photograph of his bandaged face, out of which his large, beautiful, fully aware eyes were blazing out. One can go on narrating the ways in which babies and women were tortured and killed, but the point here is often the two acts were coupled together. The pattern of cruelty suggests three things. One, the woman's body was a site of almost inexhaustible violence, with infinitely plural and innovative forms of torture. Second, their sexual and reproductive organs were attacked with especial savagery. Third, their children, born and unborn, shared the attacks and were killed before their eyes. In readings of community violence, rape is taken to be a sign of collective dishonouring. The same patriarchal order that designates the female body as the symbol of lineage and community purity, would designate the entire collectivity as impure and polluted, once the woman is raped by an outsider. Rape, in Gujarat violence, obviously performed that function. But what, then, is the point of the elements of excess, the surplus of cruelty, and its multifarious forms? We need to remember that the Gujarati press invented the murder of 80 Hindu women on the Sabarmati Express at Godhra, who had been raped and had their breasts cut off - a complete invention, since even the Gujarat police denied the story. However, it served to justify rapes and mutilations of Muslim women within the structure of " action-reaction" discourse. The fact that revenge went far beyond that is not surprising for revenge is not revenge if it does not outstrip the original offence.. In Delhi, on 28 February, we heard RSS boys shouting: Ek Ka badla Sau me lenge. (We will avenge one death with a hundred"). Beyond Godhra are the legends that all boys in the shakhas are bred on: partition time rapes of Hindu women, rapes of Hindu queens under Muslim rule, abductions of Hindu women all through history by Muslims. There is also the perpetual fear of a more virile Muslim male body that lures away Hindu girls, a kind of penis envy and anxiety about emasculation that can only be overcome by violent deeds. Violence, for the Sangh, is maleness. In the 1990s, when communal violence had intensified, bangles were sent to localities where riots had not taken place, to taunt Hindu men with effiminacy. At Jawaharlal Nehru University, a post- Godhra procesion of the ABVP chanted: " Jis Hinduon ka khoon na khola, woh Hindu nahin, woh hijra hain". (Those Hindus whose blood does not boil, are not Hindus, they are eunuchs'). This identification between killing and masculinity, is a strong and uniquely Sangh teaching. In the Gujarat violence, mobs who raped, sometimes came dressed in khaki shorts or in saffron underwear, rape being obviously seen as a religious duty, a Sangh duty. In times of violence, Hindu male sexual organs must function as instruments of torture. There is more to it. For generations, anxieties had been whipped up about Muslim fertility rate, of their uncontrolled breeding and numerical outstripping of the Hindu majority. So coupled with anxieties of a comparatively less potent Hindu maleness, there is a fear of infertile Hindu femaleness, and a drying up of future progeny, - the longstanding image of dying Hindus. This is counterposed to that of vigorously self-multiplying Muslims. Fed on such self-invented self-doubt, Hindu mobs swooped down upon Muslim women and children with multiple but related aims. First, to possess and dishonour them and their men, second to taste what is denied to them and what, according to their understanding, explains Muslim virility. Third, to physically destroy the vagina and the womb, and, thereby, to symbolically destroy the sources of pleasure, reproduction and nurture for Muslim men, and for Muslim children. Then, by beatings, to punish the fertile female body. Then, physically destroying the children, they signified an end to Muslim growth. Then, by cutting up the foetus and burning it, a symbolic destruction of future generations, of the very future of Muslims themselves. The burning of men, women and children, as the final move, served multiple functions: it was to destroy evidence, it was to make Muslims vanish, it was also to desecrate Muslim deaths by denying them Islamic burial, and forcing a Hindu cremation upon them. There were, thus, many layers of signification, of symbolic meanings that went into the act that were repeated by different mobs at different locales, but on fairly identical lines. They can be aligned to Sangh teachings, stereotypes and fantasies. This also explains why the same female body was subjected to a series of sexual humiliation, torture, mutilation and obliteration. Conjoined with the bodies of their children, they provided a site where the entire drama of revenge was enacted in its long and complicated sequence."
  2. ^ "Muslims Killed 100 million Hindus" is a common Islamophobic trope used amongst Hindu fascist radicals, used to justify attacks against Muslims, and in order to segregate them from society. The work of K. S. Lal is often cited amongst these circles as the reference for the number.
  3. ^ K.S. Lal is known to have supported and worked for VHP (Vishva Hindu Parishad) Hindu fanatics, who (with religious claims) believe a mythical Hindu temple was present at the sight of an almost five hundred year old mosque (that was eventually destroyed by them in 1992). Lal explicitly produced a VHP (pg. 134. para. 4) pamphlet called "Ramajanma Bhumi: Ayodya" (pg. 134. para. 3) which claimed to have found "new archaeological discoveries" at the site of the historical building (pg. 134. para. 3) in 1989. The VHP tore into the historical site, and claimed to have found evidence, despite scientific conditions not being observed or practiced during it, nor the presence of any academic professionals. Historians Robert Layton, Peter G. Stone, and Julian Thomas note the flaws in the VHP claims; saying "[b]ut how can we rely on antiquities supposed to have been discovered from a hotly disputed site where the minimum scientific conditions for excavations were not observed and where neither the critics of the temple theory nor the archaeologists of the central government were asked to be present at the time of the actual digging", and later conclude "even if we condone the unpardonable act of violating the canons of field archaeology and take cognizence of the stone antiquities illustrated in the VHP pamphlet we come nowhere near the imaginary temple."
    1. Evidence of such VHP fanatacism include; Furore after VHP leader Togadia warns Muslims against buying properties in 'Hindu areas'. April 21, 2014. Hindustan Times. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    2. Nilesh, CT (23 April 2009). Hindu fanatics attack Protestant Church. Catholic Online. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    3. Peter van der Veer (1994). Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India. University of California Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-520-08256-4.
    4. R Layton; P Stone; J Thomas (2 September 2003). Destruction and Conservation of Cultural Property. Routledge. p. 134. ISBN 978-1-134-60498-2.
    Sukumar Muralidharan, writing in 1998 for India's "Frontline" journal (originally published in "The Hindu"), in an article exposing the Indian governments historical revisionism, titled "[t]he reconstitution of the Indian Council of Historical Research [ICHR] giving positions of authority to three VHP luminaries betrays a deep political design on the part of the BJP-led Government", notes VHP luminaries that "campaign[ed] for the demolition" of the 465 year old mosque, the "Babri Masjid", had been appointed to senior positions reserved for academics. Lal identified himself as a "right wing" historian (and not an objective one) in the article and welcomed their (the VHP's) inclusion, claiming the left are too numerous in governmental historical bodies; "The ICHR has always been dominated by historians of a Left-wing persuasion, he argues". Muralidharan further notes "K.S. Lal may have written a worthwhile work of history in the distant past, but his more recent works - which have focused almost exclusively on the supposed historical injuries suffered by Hindus - have been tendentious, communal and deeply objectionable".
    1. Muralidharan, Sukumar (July 04 - July 17, 1998). The Hindutva takeover of ICHR. The reconstitution of the Indian Council of Historical Research giving positions of authority to three VHP luminaries betrays a deep political design on the part of the BJP-led Government.. Frontline. Volume 15, No. 14. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
  4. ^
    1. Indian Home Secretary confirms Sangh Parivar terror link. 23 January 2013. KMS News. Retrieved 8 June 2014.
    2. When the terror-accused are from the Sangh Parivar.... 30 August 2010. Two Circles News. Retrieved 8 June 2014.
    3. Hensman, Rohini (23 April, 2012). The Spectre Of Fascism. Countercurrents. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    4. Jaffrelot, Christopher (1 September 2010). Hindutva’s Politics of Denial. Caravan, a Journal of Politics and Culture. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    5. Richard Jackson; Eamon Murphy; Scott Poynting (10 September 2009). Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice. Routledge. p. 114-117. ISBN 978-1-135-24515-3.
    6. Sangh Brigade’s Terror Network Exposed Once More!. 14 January 2011. All India Students' Association. Retrieved 8 June 2014.
  5. ^ They have established 300,000 terror training camps, or "Shakhas", in India
    1. William H. Thornton (1 January 2005). New World Empire: Civil Islam, Terrorism, and the Making of Neoglobalism. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 100. ISBN 978-0-7425-2941-0.
  6. ^ In 1938 the Sangh Parivar for example non-Hindus inferior and assigned them second class status in their own country, declaring that "the non-Hindu...must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and revere Hindu religion...[o]r [they] may stay in the country wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privelages, far less any preferential treatment, not even citizen's rights", and who's leaders have also supported Hitler's racial laws.
    1. Paul Marshall (12 March 2013). Persecuted: The Global Assault on Christians. Thomas Nelson Inc. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-4002-0442-7.
    Between September 1989 and November 1989, the Sangh Parivar unleashed unprecedented anti-Muslim terrorist violence across northern India where mobs of Hindus with "official sanction", destroyed a 464 year old Muslim holy place, which "evoked widespread Hindu triumphalism in Hindu communities throughout India" and that many died in the ensuing violence."
    1. Cynthia Cockburn (15 March 2007). From Where We Stand: War, Women's Activism and Feminist Analysis. Zed Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-84277-821-0.
  7. ^ He however though does not make clear how a decline occured, such as conversion over to Islam by Hindus or if the decline involved Hindus only through killing
  8. ^ Bostom himself has worked with anti-Muslim propagandist Robert Spencer
  9. ^ Digby was a former Oxford University doctoral research examiner
    1. Mukherjee, Rudrangshu (Thursday, January 21 , 2010). A LOVE FOR INDIA AND ALL THINGS INDIAN. The Telegraph (Calcutta, India). Retrieved 6 June 2014.
  10. ^ Habib is professor emeritus of history at the Aligarh Muslim University in India
    1. Ishrat Alam; Syed Ejaz Hussain (2011). The Varied Facets of History: Essays in Honour of Aniruddha Ray. Primus Books. p. 293. ISBN 978-93-80607-16-0.
  11. ^ "Professor Lal (whose figure for A.D. 1600 in 140 millions against Morelands round 100) makes many bold new calculations. Setting the electronic computer on a backward projection of census figures since 1881 produced a comically wrong result."
    1. Digby, Simon (1975). Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. University of London. Vol. 38, No. 1. (1975), pp. 176177.
  12. ^

  13. ^ "One of the most spectacular forms of sadism in the recent events had been the way Muslim female bodies were made to function in the drama of Hindutva terror. There had been earlier anticipations of that. The investigations made by the AIDWA in 1992-93, especially in Surat and Bhopal, pointed out several similar features. Women were "tortured, molested, raped, and then burnt to death." Sometimes, their children were killed before their eyes. At the same time, more often than not, such atrocities were whispered about and not always confirmed openly. This time, rape victims as well as their male relatives have no inhibition about reporting rape and sexual torture; the police, however, do not admit FIRs on rape, a senior officer claims that mobs have no time for raping, and that Hindus, moreover, do not rape. Fernandes, on the other hand, says that rape is so universally prevalent that Gujarat rapes are not worth talking about. So, it has not happened, or it happens universally; in either case, it cannot or need not be mentioned. Women have been killed in very large numbers. At the mass grave that was dug on 6 March to provide burial to 96 bodies from Naroda Patiya, 46 women were buried. Bilkees Begum from the Godhra Relief camp told a tale that seemed to confirm a recurrent pattern in most places, according to survivors' accounts. She was stripped, gang-raped, her baby was killed before her, she was then beaten up, then burnt and left for dead. For variety's sake, other women also had acid thrown upon them, and then burnt in fires. A women's' fact-finding report sums up the usual procedure: " …rape, gang rape, mass rape, stripping, insertion of objects into their body, molestation… a majority of rape victims were burnt alive. " Before they were finally killed off, some were beaten up with rods and pipes for almost an hour. Before or after the killing, their vagina would be sliced, or would have iron rods pushed inside. Similarly, their bellies would be cut open or would have hard objects inserted into them. A thirteen year old girl, Farzana, had a rod pushed into her stomach, and was then burnt. A mother reported that her three year old baby girl was raped and killed in front of her, while elsewhere daughters reported on the rapes of their mothers, now dead. Kausar Bano, a young girl from Naroda Patiya was 9 month's pregnant. Several eyewitnesses testified that she was raped, tortured, her womb was slit open with a sword to disgorge the foetus which was then hacked to pieces and roasted alive with the mother. At Fatehpura, more than 50 young girls were paraded naked, and then asked to urinate. After they were rescued by a Muslim ambulance service, they travelled to the camp without a stitch on them. Other victims arrived naked at camps, too, after acid had been poured upon their clothes, which they tore off in agony from their burning and peeling bodies. Medina Mustafa Ismail Shaikh reported from Kalol camp: "My daughter was like a flower, still to experience life…The monsters tore my beloved daughter to pieces..the mob was saying, cut them to pieces, leave no evidence… I saw fires being lit. After some time, the mob started leaving. And it became quiet. " It became very quiet, for the voices of children could not be heard. A very large number of parents, especially mothers, had to see their children die in excruciating agony before they, too, were tortured and burnt. At the mass grave for 96 people, they buried a six-month old baby. Fatimabibi, who secretly came to Delhi to testify to the violence, kept repeating dementedly: " Innocent (masoom) tender babies were crying for water, they filled them up with petrol and then lit them up." At Randhikapur village, a young pregnant woman first saw her baby cut to piecs. Then she was raped and her foetus was ripped out and killed,. They beat her up and left her for dead. Four year old Asif died of 90% burns after several days' of agony. Before he died, The Hindu took a photograph of his bandaged face, out of which his large, beautiful, fully aware eyes were blazing out. One can go on narrating the ways in which babies and women were tortured and killed, but the point here is often the two acts were coupled together. The pattern of cruelty suggests three things. One, the woman's body was a site of almost inexhaustible violence, with infinitely plural and innovative forms of torture. Second, their sexual and reproductive organs were attacked with especial savagery. Third, their children, born and unborn, shared the attacks and were killed before their eyes. In readings of community violence, rape is taken to be a sign of collective dishonouring. The same patriarchal order that designates the female body as the symbol of lineage and community purity, would designate the entire collectivity as impure and polluted, once the woman is raped by an outsider. Rape, in Gujarat violence, obviously performed that function. But what, then, is the point of the elements of excess, the surplus of cruelty, and its multifarious forms? We need to remember that the Gujarati press invented the murder of 80 Hindu women on the Sabarmati Express at Godhra, who had been raped and had their breasts cut off - a complete invention, since even the Gujarat police denied the story. However, it served to justify rapes and mutilations of Muslim women within the structure of " action-reaction" discourse. The fact that revenge went far beyond that is not surprising for revenge is not revenge if it does not outstrip the original offence.. In Delhi, on 28 February, we heard RSS boys shouting: Ek Ka badla Sau me lenge. (We will avenge one death with a hundred"). Beyond Godhra are the legends that all boys in the shakhas are bred on: partition time rapes of Hindu women, rapes of Hindu queens under Muslim rule, abductions of Hindu women all through history by Muslims. There is also the perpetual fear of a more virile Muslim male body that lures away Hindu girls, a kind of penis envy and anxiety about emasculation that can only be overcome by violent deeds. Violence, for the Sangh, is maleness. In the 1990s, when communal violence had intensified, bangles were sent to localities where riots had not taken place, to taunt Hindu men with effiminacy. At Jawaharlal Nehru University, a post- Godhra procesion of the ABVP chanted: " Jis Hinduon ka khoon na khola, woh Hindu nahin, woh hijra hain". (Those Hindus whose blood does not boil, are not Hindus, they are eunuchs'). This identification between killing and masculinity, is a strong and uniquely Sangh teaching. In the Gujarat violence, mobs who raped, sometimes came dressed in khaki shorts or in saffron underwear, rape being obviously seen as a religious duty, a Sangh duty. In times of violence, Hindu male sexual organs must function as instruments of torture. There is more to it. For generations, anxieties had been whipped up about Muslim fertility rate, of their uncontrolled breeding and numerical outstripping of the Hindu majority. So coupled with anxieties of a comparatively less potent Hindu maleness, there is a fear of infertile Hindu femaleness, and a drying up of future progeny, - the longstanding image of dying Hindus. This is counterposed to that of vigorously self-multiplying Muslims. Fed on such self-invented self-doubt, Hindu mobs swooped down upon Muslim women and children with multiple but related aims. First, to possess and dishonour them and their men, second to taste what is denied to them and what, according to their understanding, explains Muslim virility. Third, to physically destroy the vagina and the womb, and, thereby, to symbolically destroy the sources of pleasure, reproduction and nurture for Muslim men, and for Muslim children. Then, by beatings, to punish the fertile female body. Then, physically destroying the children, they signified an end to Muslim growth. Then, by cutting up the foetus and burning it, a symbolic destruction of future generations, of the very future of Muslims themselves. The burning of men, women and children, as the final move, served multiple functions: it was to destroy evidence, it was to make Muslims vanish, it was also to desecrate Muslim deaths by denying them Islamic burial, and forcing a Hindu cremation upon them. There were, thus, many layers of signification, of symbolic meanings that went into the act that were repeated by different mobs at different locales, but on fairly identical lines. They can be aligned to Sangh teachings, stereotypes and fantasies. This also explains why the same female body was subjected to a series of sexual humiliation, torture, mutilation and obliteration. Conjoined with the bodies of their children, they provided a site where the entire drama of revenge was enacted in its long and complicated sequence."
  14. ^ "Muslims Killed 100 million Hindus" is a common Islamophobic trope used amongst Hindu fascist radicals, used to justify attacks against Muslims, and in order to segregate them from society. The work of K. S. Lal is often cited amongst these circles as the reference for the number.
  15. ^ K.S. Lal is known to have supported and worked for VHP (Vishva Hindu Parishad) Hindu fanatics, who (with religious claims) believe a mythical Hindu temple was present at the sight of an almost five hundred year old mosque (that was eventually destroyed by them in 1992). Lal explicitly produced a VHP (pg. 134. para. 4) pamphlet called "Ramajanma Bhumi: Ayodya" (pg. 134. para. 3) which claimed to have found "new archaeological discoveries" at the site of the historical building (pg. 134. para. 3) in 1989. The VHP tore into the historical site, and claimed to have found evidence, despite scientific conditions not being observed or practiced during it, nor the presence of any academic professionals. Historians Robert Layton, Peter G. Stone, and Julian Thomas note the flaws in the VHP claims; saying "[b]ut how can we rely on antiquities supposed to have been discovered from a hotly disputed site where the minimum scientific conditions for excavations were not observed and where neither the critics of the temple theory nor the archaeologists of the central government were asked to be present at the time of the actual digging", and later conclude "even if we condone the unpardonable act of violating the canons of field archaeology and take cognizence of the stone antiquities illustrated in the VHP pamphlet we come nowhere near the imaginary temple."
    1. Evidence of such VHP fanatacism include; Furore after VHP leader Togadia warns Muslims against buying properties in 'Hindu areas'. April 21, 2014. Hindustan Times. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    2. Nilesh, CT (23 April 2009). Hindu fanatics attack Protestant Church. Catholic Online. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    3. Peter van der Veer (1994). Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India. University of California Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-520-08256-4.
    4. R Layton; P Stone; J Thomas (2 September 2003). Destruction and Conservation of Cultural Property. Routledge. p. 134. ISBN 978-1-134-60498-2.
    Sukumar Muralidharan, writing in 1998 for India's "Frontline" journal (originally published in "The Hindu"), in an article exposing the Indian governments historical revisionism, titled "[t]he reconstitution of the Indian Council of Historical Research [ICHR] giving positions of authority to three VHP luminaries betrays a deep political design on the part of the BJP-led Government", notes VHP luminaries that "campaign[ed] for the demolition" of the 465 year old mosque, the "Babri Masjid", had been appointed to senior positions reserved for academics. Lal identified himself as a "right wing" historian (and not an objective one) in the article and welcomed their (the VHP's) inclusion, claiming the left are too numerous in governmental historical bodies; "The ICHR has always been dominated by historians of a Left-wing persuasion, he argues". Muralidharan further notes "K.S. Lal may have written a worthwhile work of history in the distant past, but his more recent works - which have focused almost exclusively on the supposed historical injuries suffered by Hindus - have been tendentious, communal and deeply objectionable".
    1. Muralidharan, Sukumar (July 04 - July 17, 1998). The Hindutva takeover of ICHR. The reconstitution of the Indian Council of Historical Research giving positions of authority to three VHP luminaries betrays a deep political design on the part of the BJP-led Government.. Frontline. Volume 15, No. 14. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
  16. ^
    1. Indian Home Secretary confirms Sangh Parivar terror link. 23 January 2013. KMS News. Retrieved 8 June 2014.
    2. When the terror-accused are from the Sangh Parivar.... 30 August 2010. Two Circles News. Retrieved 8 June 2014.
    3. Hensman, Rohini (23 April, 2012). The Spectre Of Fascism. Countercurrents. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    4. Jaffrelot, Christopher (1 September 2010). Hindutva’s Politics of Denial. Caravan, a Journal of Politics and Culture. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
    5. Richard Jackson; Eamon Murphy; Scott Poynting (10 September 2009). Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice. Routledge. p. 114-117. ISBN 978-1-135-24515-3.
    6. Sangh Brigade’s Terror Network Exposed Once More!. 14 January 2011. All India Students' Association. Retrieved 8 June 2014.
  17. ^ They have established 300,000 terror training camps, or "Shakhas", in India
    1. William H. Thornton (1 January 2005). New World Empire: Civil Islam, Terrorism, and the Making of Neoglobalism. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 100. ISBN 978-0-7425-2941-0.
  18. ^ In 1938 the Sangh Parivar for example non-Hindus inferior and assigned them second class status in their own country, declaring that "the non-Hindu...must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and revere Hindu religion...[o]r [they] may stay in the country wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privelages, far less any preferential treatment, not even citizen's rights", and who's leaders have also supported Hitler's racial laws.
    1. Paul Marshall (12 March 2013). Persecuted: The Global Assault on Christians. Thomas Nelson Inc. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-4002-0442-7.
    Between September 1989 and November 1989, the Sangh Parivar unleashed unprecedented anti-Muslim terrorist violence across northern India where mobs of Hindus with "official sanction", destroyed a 464 year old Muslim holy place, which "evoked widespread Hindu triumphalism in Hindu communities throughout India" and that many died in the ensuing violence."
    1. Cynthia Cockburn (15 March 2007). From Where We Stand: War, Women's Activism and Feminist Analysis. Zed Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-84277-821-0.
  19. ^ He however though does not make clear how a decline occured, such as conversion over to Islam by Hindus or if the decline involved Hindus only through killing
  20. ^ Bostom himself has worked with anti-Muslim propagandist Robert Spencer
  21. ^ Digby was a former Oxford University doctoral research examiner
    1. Mukherjee, Rudrangshu (Thursday, January 21 , 2010). A LOVE FOR INDIA AND ALL THINGS INDIAN. The Telegraph (Calcutta, India). Retrieved 6 June 2014.
  22. ^ Habib is professor emeritus of history at the Aligarh Muslim University in India
    1. Ishrat Alam; Syed Ejaz Hussain (2011). The Varied Facets of History: Essays in Honour of Aniruddha Ray. Primus Books. p. 293. ISBN 978-93-80607-16-0.
  23. ^ "Professor Lal (whose figure for A.D. 1600 in 140 millions against Morelands round 100) makes many bold new calculations. Setting the electronic computer on a backward projection of census figures since 1881 produced a comically wrong result."
    1. Digby, Simon (1975). Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. University of London. Vol. 38, No. 1. (1975), pp. 176177.
  24. ^

References

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  14. ^ a b Cynthia Cockburn (15 March 2007). From Where We Stand: War, Women's Activism and Feminist Analysis. Zed Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-84277-821-0.
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  16. ^ a b Irfan Habibis Professor Emeritus of History at the Aligarh Muslim University. Oxford University Press (India). Retrieved 6 June 2014.
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  22. ^ a b The Illustrated Weekly of India. January 1986. p. 69.
  23. ^ a b Srinivas Aravamudan (27 June 2011). Guru English: South Asian Religion in a Cosmopolitan Language: South Asian Religion in a Cosmopolitan Language. Princeton University Press. p. 34. ISBN 1-4008-2685-3.
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