'D' Company (Indian Mafia Crime Syndicate)

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Introduction:— The D-Company Crime Syndicate is a criminal mafia headed by Dawood Ibrahim, an Indian Muslim who's network stretches across 5,000 members,[1][2][3] and 100,000s of low-level gang members. Even though it originated in India, it mostly operates from Pakistan (though it's authorities deny this).[1][4] It also has operations in Thailand, the UAE, South Africa, and Saudi Arabia.[5] The organisation revolves around extortion,[6] kidnapping, racketeering, smuggling, narcotics, trafficking, and contract killings.[1] It is also very large in the Indian film scene, having successfully infiltrated Bollywood, and has been responsible for distributing films,[7] involvement in piracy,[7][6] and even assassinating film directors.[1] It emerged in 1970s Bombay (modern day Mumbai), after Ibrahim had worked as a smuggler himself, later moving on to expand his syndicate.[1] His organisation boomed in the 1980s,[4] with the 1990s characterised by dealings with Islamist organisations,[1] driven by Hindutva terrorism afflicting his community. The destruction of Babri Masjid[8] and the brutal murders of hundreds of Muslims saw Ibrahim retaliate in kind.[1] It is notable that during this time, D-Company remained secular, with the majority of it's membership largely taken from the Hindu community.[1] Later the Pakistani ISI became involved with him, and (allegedly) helped kill 257 people in 1993.[1][9] D-Company is also alleged to have taken part in the November 2008 Mumbai Massacre, which killed 173 people.[1][3][6]

Ibrahim in the 1970s, is the son of a policeman.[10]

History

Chotta Rajan, with Dawood Ibrahim.

1980s:— Mumbai's economic collapse in the 1980s gave way to newly formed mafia's that were increasingly filling in for an absent economy.[11] As they grew in power, territorial disputes arose leading to significant surges in violence.[11] In order to further their power, the Indian mafia's introduced sanctioning on local businesses in order to make them bend the knee should they refuse to cooperate.[11] Ibrahim ingeniously exploited this situation from his new home in Dubai, to which he had moved to in 1986.[11][12] He single-handedly united all the warring factions under his leadership.[11] One of his important allies whom he had successfully convinced to join was the infamous "Little Rajan" (Chhota Rajan), who originally began his criminal career by racketeering cinema tickets.[13] His activities eventually found their way to the police as a result of his violent nature.[11] Ibrahim directed him to recruit ten powerful gangs, the alliance of which saw D-Company fully form into one of the most feared and formidable mafia's the world has ever seen.[11] It's operations had expanded to Gujurat, Uttar Pradesh, and even Kathmandu, utilising even the now extinct Nepalese royal family.[11][14] Order was maintained by the formation of tributary cells, who in return were given a degree of autonomy.[11] By the end of 1991, with the Indian economy in total ruin,[15] D-Company would effectively be running it's most important economic and strategic hub.[11] The 1990s would however bring sweeping change.

Ibrahim's brother, Anis, was in charge of controlling all the violent characters within the syndicate, who put them to work in the protection and extortion side of D-Company's business.[11] Ibrahim in the meanwhile dealt with the much more unstable plethora of small gangs to commit other forms of violence for his organisation.[11] He was able to do this by making them dependent upon him alone.[11] Furthermore, if they showed any sign of independence outside of what was allowed, Ibrahim would have them permanently liquidated.[11] Ibrahim in return offered these gangs advanced protection from the dozens of other mafia's within his city.[11] This protection was not limited to having other gangs carry out reprisals but also from the police where Ibrahim's influence had simultaneously infiltrated.[11] By now D-Company became widely known across the Indian sub-continent.[11] Chhota Rajan for instance was known as Ibrahims "Home Secretary" as such was the level of his power.[11] Another important affiliate was that of Tiger Memon, who was charged with organising the gold, silver and consumer goods monopoly across the city.[11] By the end of the 1980s, D-Company had experienced a colossal amount of growth and prestige.[11] D-Company was not immune to this violence, as splinter groups began to form challenging Ibrahim's hegemony.[11] One of his liutenents felt so threatened that he fled to Dubai in order to avoid the many hits on his life.[11] Internal strife also escalated within the syndicate, where Chhota Shakeel's prestige irking Rajan.[11] This rivalry continues up to the present, where Shakeel vowed, and tried, to assassinate him.[16]
Chhota Shakeel; last known photograph.
Mumbai blasts in revenge of Muslims attacked by Hindu radicals.

1990s:— Tensions began rising within the mob in the 1990s.[n. 1] Ibrahim's success bred virulent jealousy, and so between 1990 and 1992, defections began to affect his operations.[17] Chhota Rajan's was particularly problematic, who was by now one of the most powerful figures in D-Company.[17] As gangs started to fall away, a bloody turf war broke out all across Mumbai.[17] No one could figure out why it had turned out into a full fledged war, but theories suggested a Hindu-Muslim clash.[17] At the time there was an upsurge in Hindu extremism which was violently opposed to non-Hindus.[18] Especially vulnerable groups were Muslims,[n. 2] who have traditionally been seen as outsiders,[19][20] despite being Indian as the rest of the Hindu populace.[21] Others suggested greed.[17] What perhaps made the situation worse was the fact that Ibrahim retaliated for what he saw was revenge against the Hindutva's for massacring Muslims and destroying Muslim heritage.[22][23] On March 12th, 1993 a series of revenge bombings tore their way through the Hindu areas of Mumbai (and at least one in a Muslim neighbourhood; probably to deflect attention from his crew).[17] The police later found that he had supported the bombings by financing them, and this is why it has been theorised that Ibrahim only did this for profit and not any sort of retaliation.[17] Nevertheless, a barrage of charges were filed against him, having also garnered the attention of the US authorities.[17] He had now fled to Pakistan permanently,[17] and hasn't been seen since.[24]

Industries

Wealth:— Ibrahim started crime very young, and it wasn't until when he was 20 years old that he really began to earn big money.[25] Ibrahim is estimated to have accumulated a personal fortune of $6.7 billion dollars.[26][27] Often times there is no usually no reliable estimates for what mobsters are worth given their secrecy and illegal activities, but Ibrahim's estimates are actually different.[28] Along with the infamous Columbian cocaine drug lord Pablo Escobar, Ibrahim is amongst one of the most verifiably richest mobsters in history (indeed the only two mafia bosses who have had any sort of evidence to back up their claims).[28] Ibrahim is also known to pay his associates very well; and he even pays call girls ten times their going rates (Rs. 100,000 rupees as opposed to only Rs. 10,000 rupees), and hiring more than one at a time.[29] By the early 1990s, the mobster was earning at least $250 million dollars a year in India alone, buying a range of ecletic properties in Kathmandu, Karachi and London.[11] The Indian government believe he controls a $10.2 billion dollar empire (₹7,000 Crore rupees),[30] however given the extent of Ibrahim's activities, especially in laundering money, his empire is probably worth a lot more. D-Company is thought to have laundered $120 billion dollars of cash by investing it in the KSE, at a time when the Pakistani GDP was only $130 billion dollars.[31][32] The US Treasury Department considers Ibrahim as the Godfather of criminal gangs in India, Dubai and Bangkok.[33][34]

D-Company at a wedding party in India.
Dhow ships being constructed in the UAE. These ships can carry up to 8 tonnes of cargo, and were used by D-Company to transport precious metals.

Monopolies:— Approximately 150 tons of gold, and 1,300 tons of silver are shipped to India every year just from the UAE alone under clandestine smuggling operations, of which D-Company is responsible for transporting 25 tonnes—30 tonnes.[35] Other sources however claim it is between 20 tonnes—30 tonnes (which has a monetary value of between $0.75 billion dollars—$1.12 billion dollars as of 2017).[36][37][38] These operations began in the 1980s, at a time when the Indian economy was in dire need of economic assistance (naturally leading to surges in gold demand as is common in recessions). His operation was so large and his hold on the gold market so strong that he himself could determine the overall price gold could be sold at for the entire country.[11] This was earning him significant liquid sums of around $250 million dollars per year, which he invested in real estate abroad, in Kathmandu, Karachi and London (the latter of which alone saw him sinking $450 million dollars into[39]).[11] How he did this was ingeniously simple; he used his contacts in the Alang shipyards, where boats would arrive (called "dhows"[35]) that were able to carry 8 tonnes of cargo.[35] Some 150 dhows were used every year;[35] and after deducting payments, salaries, commissions, bribes, costs and expenses, profits of between ₹40,000—₹50,000 rupees would be left over.[35] Outside of this, D-Company would act as commissioning agents and charge fees for gold landings.[35] They were able to get away with this as they didn't cause problems for the UAE government.[35]

Extortion:— The syndicate moved into the film industry in the latter half of the 1980s in order to increase their social prestige, make themselves appear more visibly acceptable as part of their public image policy, and in order to expand their racketeering operations by finding a legitimate source for laundering money.[40] Soon enough videos began to emerge of Ibrahim socialising with a series of the worlds top A-list actors and musical artists from India amidst "lavish parties" held at the many private residences he owned in the UAE.[40] Years after, prominent actor Sanjay Dutt would confess that Ibrahim and his brother cultivated an extensive network of relationships within the film industry's cohort of directors, producers, actors, actresses, and financiers; virtually all levels of the industry had been penetrated and exploited.[40] Initially the mob's inroad into Bollywood began at the production level, concerning only finance and film producing, thereafter moving onto extortion and assassinations.[40] Such was the shady nature of Bollywood's funding, that the government even refused to recognise it as a legitimate business until 2001.[40] Ibrahim's brother Noora was put in charge of D-Company's film division where he was specifically responsible for debt re-financing, which saw returns at interest rates as high as 50%.[40] The syndicate's power eventually grew to such spectacular heights that at least 60% of the industry is owned and operated by them,[41] and which is worth $1.59 billion dollars annually (and growing).[40][42]

Ibrahim with Salman Khan and Anil Kapoor, amongst other actors.
The empire of Syndicate D stretches across the globe, and has operations in almost every continent.[5][43][44]

Narcotics:— The syndicate is also involved in the heroin drug trade, and makes some $500 million dollars every year from narcotic sales.[45] This branch of the mafia extends back to the 1980s when the mob concentrated on non-heroin based drugs that they transported into Western Europe.[45] In the 1990s, a switch to heroin was made when Ibrahim decided to use his extensive network of contacts in Dubai and Mumbai, whilst using Karachi as a stockpile centre given it's close proximity to the opium processing labs found in Afghanistan.[45] It has been argued that the opium trade actually allowed D-Company to expand internationally given the amount of money they were making from it; after 1993 Ibrahim had to make for the border to Pakistan after he gave the order to carry out the Mumbai bombings.[45] This has not been without danger, as he now conducted business dealings with Islamist factions within the country, such as the LTTE who were previously crucial in the logistics of D-Company's heroin operations.[45] His mafia also supplies heroin to India, which is transported through shipping and passed onto local drug traffickers in the form of "brown sugar" (heroin base).[45] Some of the drug profits have been funnelled back into the Pakistani economy via the Karachi Stock Exchange, which has possibly partially helped Pakistan in having one of the best exchanges in the world.[45] Operations also extend to Tanzania, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Kenya.[45] Iqbal Mirchi Memon is widely suspected of having been in charge of this division.[45]

Money Laundering:— As part of their ongoing operations, D-Company have even infiltrated several global stock market exchanges including those of Pakistan, India and Nepal.[46] This perhaps represents one of the most crucial investments the crime family has made as it actively prevents governments of at least two of these countries from eliminating the enterprise.[46] It also makes it very difficult for all of these countries to keep a hold of D-Company's activities.[46] Additionally, the Gulf countries have also been linked to D-Company's stock options. Various shell companies are known to exist in India for the purposes of raising money, but the authorities have a difficult time of linkning them to the Indian stock exchange.[46] According to a 2008 report alone, it is suspected Ibrahim has invested at least $2 billion dollars into the KSE100, and laundered at least $3.5 billion dollars for various criminal organisations across South Asia, via UAE front companies.[46] The KSE as of January 5th, 2017, is worth Rs. 9.75 trillion rupees[47] ($93 billion dollars);[48] making each point on the KSE100 worth $1,860,000 dollars. At one point D-Company had such a choke hold over the KSE100 that it was expected the stock exchange would totally crash if Ibrahim withdrew all the money at once.[46] Why precisely D-Company decided to take this route was because prior to their investments, the US labelled him as a "terrorist supporter",[49] which also drove India to take up the issue to the US.[50] Another seven of his associates are also major players in the KSE.[51]

The Karachi Stock Exchange (KSE100), worth almost 50,000 points. In one year alone $120 billion dollars worth of money passed through it.
The Indian Premier League (IPL), generates $1.8 billion dollars for Ibrahim.

Racketeering:— Illegal betting also forms a large part of Ibrahim's empire.[52] In it's entirity, the betting portion accounts for $1.8 billion dollars in annaul income. His influence stretches all the way to the lucrative Indian Premier League (IPL), which was first reported in 2014 by the Indian Supreme Court.[52] It uses hawala transactions to generate betting pools, fixing also both the matches and spots to their own advancement.[52] D-Company both controls the settings, rates and process of betting, resulting in significant profits.[52] At any one match, a betting pool can consist of $25 million dollars worth of bets.[52] Ibrahim also controls the low-level book-keepers.[52] His influence is so great that he even manipulates the odds himself to ensure he profits, although his associate Tiger Memon oversees the entire betting operation.[52] Another mafioso who's identity has remained secret, Manoj Metro and a book keeper, Sunil Dubai are also believed to be important figures in the betting underworld.[52] His involvement shouldn't come as a surprise given the fact that he was often seen attending matches all across India as he socialised with the rich and powerful.[52] During the 1990s Sharad Shetty was also linked to Ibrahim as part of his extensive betting empire. Shetty was however assassinated in 2003, "while entering the India Club in the Oud Metha section of Dubai".[38][53] In 1998, the British newspaper "The Independent" even reported Australia's cricket team even participated in match fixing, but no one in India would talk about it's source.[54]

Ship-breaking:— Another industry commonly which D-Company's hands have been found to manipulate is that of the ship breaking industry in India, which has proven extremely lucrative as a result of a lack of regulation.[55] Pakistani nationals are even said to profit from the industry.[55] It is primarily run through corruption payments and fixed cash-only deals.[55] D-Company in this way were evidenced to have smuggled in contraband, firearms, and explosives and other items.[55] The shipping yards in Modi's Gujurat for instance are a prime location for this type of back hand dealing (many of the ships that have been anchored there are said to have disappeared over a short amount of time).[55] This is such a gaping hole in Indian security that it is perhaps amazing Pakistan hasn't exploited it yet.[55] Profits obtained from ship-breaking in Alang, Gujurat, are noted to have been funnelled into match-fixing entities and Ibrahims gambling businesses.[55] The complete running of this side of the business is done by one of his brothers.[55] According to the "India Times", the issue has been taken so seriously by the Indian government now that "[a] top level meeting has been called in Ahmedabad on Tuesday to assess the risk the world's largest ship-breaking yard at Alang runs. The meeting will be attended by officials from Navy, Central and state intelligence bureaus, Coast Guard, Army, Border Security Force, Directorate of Revenue Intelligence, customs and police".[56] Additionally at least 200 agents were actively investigating companies tied to Alang.[56]

Alang shipyard which D-Company effectively runs; Gujurat. Modi's home state; which Modi allowed D-Company to operate.
Over 60 billion high quality fake notes circulate the Indian economy.

Counterfeiting:— Counterfeit currency is another side of D-Company's operations who allegedly work with Pakistani intelligence agents;[57][n. 3] and at least 61 billion fake currency notes of all denomenations are known to exist in the Indian market.[57] These have a total monetary value of ₹169,000 Crore.[57] How much of this originates in Pakistan, or through the syndicates activities is unknown, although the notes are of such high quality that forensics teams are impressed with the level of detail that has gone into them.[57] One alleged ISI agent was even caught with $252,000 dollars on his person in just one attempt.[58] Seizures of these notes is extremely low (which probably drove the Indian Prime Minister to declare a complete nil value on ₹500 rupee and ₹1,000 rupee notes in 2016).[57][59] These notes all probably come from the mobs networks in Thailand, Nepal, Dubai, Bangladesh and India itself.[57] Tribhuvan International Airport in Nepal is particularly relevant as it was previously identified by the authorities as a prime location of counterfeit currency shipments.[30] These deliveries are said to come from ISI printing factories located in Quetta and Multan, with the currency paper itself imported from London.[30][n. 4] Notes are then typically transported through Pakistan International Airlines, or via diplomatic bags shipped from Dubai, Kuala Lumpur, Hong Kong, Bangkok, Colombo or Dhaka.[30] Once in the air they land in Nepal, and the notes are taken to Birganj, India and distributed to the locals through railway stations.[30][n. 5]

Ibrahim in the 1970s, is the son of a policeman.[60]

Introduction:— The D-Company Crime Syndicate is a criminal mafia headed by Dawood Ibrahim, an Indian Muslim who's network stretches across 5,000 members,[1][2][3] and 100,000s of low-level gang members. Even though it originated in India, it mostly operates from Pakistan (though it's authorities deny this).[1][4] It also has operations in Thailand, the UAE, South Africa, and Saudi Arabia.[5] The organisation revolves around extortion,[6] kidnapping, racketeering, smuggling, narcotics, trafficking, and contract killings.[1] It is also very large in the Indian film scene, having successfully infiltrated Bollywood, and has been responsible for distributing films,[7] involvement in piracy,[7][6] and even assassinating film directors.[1] It emerged in 1970s Bombay (modern day Mumbai), after Ibrahim had worked as a smuggler himself, later moving on to expand his syndicate.[1] His organisation boomed in the 1980s,[4] with the 1990s characterised by dealings with Islamist organisations,[1] driven by Hindutva terrorism afflicting his community. The destruction of Babri Masjid[8] and the brutal murders of hundreds of Muslims saw Ibrahim retaliate in kind.[1] It is notable that during this time, D-Company remained secular, with the majority of it's membership largely taken from the Hindu community.[1] Later the Pakistani ISI became involved with him, and (allegedly) helped kill 257 people in 1993.[1][9] D-Company is also alleged to have taken part in the November 2008 Mumbai Massacre, which killed 173 people.[1][3][6]

History

Chotta Rajan, with Dawood Ibrahim.

1980s:— Mumbai's economic collapse in the 1980s gave way to newly formed mafia's that were increasingly filling in for an absent economy.[11] As they grew in power, territorial disputes arose leading to significant surges in violence.[11] In order to further their power, the Indian mafia's introduced sanctioning on local businesses in order to make them bend the knee should they refuse to cooperate.[11] Ibrahim ingeniously exploited this situation from his new home in Dubai, to which he had moved to in 1986.[11][12] He single-handedly united all the warring factions under his leadership.[11] One of his important allies whom he had successfully convinced to join was the infamous "Little Rajan" (Chhota Rajan), who originally began his criminal career by racketeering cinema tickets.[13] His activities eventually found their way to the police as a result of his violent nature.[11] Ibrahim directed him to recruit ten powerful gangs, the alliance of which saw D-Company fully form into one of the most feared and formidable mafia's the world has ever seen.[11] It's operations had expanded to Gujurat, Uttar Pradesh, and even Kathmandu, utilising even the now extinct Nepalese royal family.[11][14] Order was maintained by the formation of tributary cells, who in return were given a degree of autonomy.[11] By the end of 1991, with the Indian economy in total ruin,[15] D-Company would effectively be running it's most important economic and strategic hub.[11] The 1990s would however bring sweeping change.

Chhota Shakeel; last known photograph.
Ibrahim's brother, Anis, was in charge of controlling all the violent characters within the syndicate, who put them to work in the protection and extortion side of D-Company's business.[11] Ibrahim in the meanwhile dealt with the much more unstable plethora of small gangs to commit other forms of violence for his organisation.[11] He was able to do this by making them dependent upon him alone.[11] Furthermore, if they showed any sign of independence outside of what was allowed, Ibrahim would have them permanently liquidated.[11] Ibrahim in return offered these gangs advanced protection from the dozens of other mafia's within his city.[11] This protection was not limited to having other gangs carry out reprisals but also from the police where Ibrahim's influence had simultaneously infiltrated.[11] By now D-Company became widely known across the Indian sub-continent.[11] Chhota Rajan for instance was known as Ibrahims "Home Secretary" as such was the level of his power.[11] Another important affiliate was that of Tiger Memon, who was charged with organising the gold, silver and consumer goods monopoly across the city.[11] By the end of the 1980s, D-Company had experienced a colossal amount of growth and prestige.[11] D-Company was not immune to this violence, as splinter groups began to form challenging Ibrahim's hegemony.[11] One of his liutenents felt so threatened that he fled to Dubai in order to avoid the many hits on his life.[11] Internal strife also escalated within the syndicate, where Chhota Shakeel's prestige irking Rajan.[11] This rivalry continues up to the present, where Shakeel vowed, and tried, to assassinate him.[16]
Mumbai blasts in revenge of Muslims attacked by Hindu radicals.

1990s:— Tensions began rising within the mob in the 1990s.[n. 6] Ibrahim's success bred virulent jealousy, and so between 1990 and 1992, defections began to affect his operations.[17] Chhota Rajan's was particularly problematic, who was by now one of the most powerful figures in D-Company.[17] As gangs started to fall away, a bloody turf war broke out all across Mumbai.[17] No one could figure out why it had turned out into a full fledged war, but theories suggested a Hindu-Muslim clash.[17] At the time there was an upsurge in Hindu extremism which was violently opposed to non-Hindus.[18] Especially vulnerable groups were Muslims,[n. 7] who have traditionally been seen as outsiders,[19][20] despite being Indian as the rest of the Hindu populace.[21] Others suggested greed.[17] What perhaps made the situation worse was the fact that Ibrahim retaliated for what he saw was revenge against the Hindutva's for massacring Muslims and destroying Muslim heritage.[22][23] On March 12th, 1993 a series of revenge bombings tore their way through the Hindu areas of Mumbai (and at least one in a Muslim neighbourhood; probably to deflect attention from his crew).[17] The police later found that he had supported the bombings by financing them, and this is why it has been theorised that Ibrahim only did this for profit and not any sort of retaliation.[17] Nevertheless, a barrage of charges were filed against him, having also garnered the attention of the US authorities.[17] He had now fled to Pakistan permanently,[17] and hasn't been seen since.[24]

Industries

D-Company at a wedding party in India.

Wealth:— Ibrahim started crime very young, and it wasn't until when he was 20 years old that he really began to earn big money.[25] Ibrahim is estimated to have accumulated a personal fortune of $6.7 billion dollars.[26][27] Often times there is no usually no reliable estimates for what mobsters are worth given their secrecy and illegal activities, but Ibrahim's estimates are actually different.[28] Along with the infamous Columbian cocaine drug lord Pablo Escobar, Ibrahim is amongst one of the most verifiably richest mobsters in history (indeed the only two mafia bosses who have had any sort of evidence to back up their claims).[28] Ibrahim is also known to pay his associates very well; and he even pays call girls ten times their going rates (Rs. 100,000 rupees as opposed to only Rs. 10,000 rupees), and hiring more than one at a time.[29] By the early 1990s, the mobster was earning at least $250 million dollars a year in India alone, buying a range of ecletic properties in Kathmandu, Karachi and London.[11] The Indian government believe he controls a $10.2 billion dollar empire (₹7,000 Crore rupees),[30] however given the extent of Ibrahim's activities, especially in laundering money, his empire is probably worth a lot more. D-Company is thought to have laundered $120 billion dollars of cash by investing it in the KSE, at a time when the Pakistani GDP was only $130 billion dollars.[31][61] The US Treasury Department considers Ibrahim as the Godfather of criminal gangs in India, Dubai and Bangkok.[33][34]

Dhow ships being constructed in the UAE. These ships can carry up to 8 tonnes of cargo, and were used by D-Company to transport precious metals.

Monopolies:— Approximately 150 tons of gold, and 1,300 tons of silver are shipped to India every year just from the UAE alone under clandestine smuggling operations, of which D-Company is responsible for transporting 25 tonnes—30 tonnes.[35] Other sources however claim it is between 20 tonnes—30 tonnes (which has a monetary value of between $0.75 billion dollars—$1.12 billion dollars as of 2017).[36][37][38] These operations began in the 1980s, at a time when the Indian economy was in dire need of economic assistance (naturally leading to surges in gold demand as is common in recessions). His operation was so large and his hold on the gold market so strong that he himself could determine the overall price gold could be sold at for the entire country.[11] This was earning him significant liquid sums of around $250 million dollars per year, which he invested in real estate abroad, in Kathmandu, Karachi and London (the latter of which alone saw him sinking $450 million dollars into[39]).[11] How he did this was ingeniously simple; he used his contacts in the Alang shipyards, where boats would arrive (called "dhows"[35]) that were able to carry 8 tonnes of cargo.[35] Some 150 dhows were used every year;[35] and after deducting payments, salaries, commissions, bribes, costs and expenses, profits of between ₹40,000—₹50,000 rupees would be left over.[35] Outside of this, D-Company would act as commissioning agents and charge fees for gold landings.[35] They were able to get away with this as they didn't cause problems for the UAE government.[35]

Ibrahim with Salman Khan and Anil Kapoor, amongst other actors.

Extortion:— The syndicate moved into the film industry in the latter half of the 1980s in order to increase their social prestige, make themselves appear more visibly acceptable as part of their public image policy, and in order to expand their racketeering operations by finding a legitimate source for laundering money.[40] Soon enough videos began to emerge of Ibrahim socialising with a series of the worlds top A-list actors and musical artists from India amidst "lavish parties" held at the many private residences he owned in the UAE.[40] Years after, prominent actor Sanjay Dutt would confess that Ibrahim and his brother cultivated an extensive network of relationships within the film industry's cohort of directors, producers, actors, actresses, and financiers; virtually all levels of the industry had been penetrated and exploited.[40] Initially the mob's inroad into Bollywood began at the production level, concerning only finance and film producing, thereafter moving onto extortion and assassinations.[40] Such was the shady nature of Bollywood's funding, that the government even refused to recognise it as a legitimate business until 2001.[40] Ibrahim's brother Noora was put in charge of D-Company's film division where he was specifically responsible for debt re-financing, which saw returns at interest rates as high as 50%.[40] The syndicate's power eventually grew to such spectacular heights that at least 60% of the industry is owned and operated by them,[41] and which is worth $1.59 billion dollars annually (and growing).[40][42]

The empire of Syndicate D stretches across the globe, and has operations in almost every continent.[5][43][44]

Narcotics:— The syndicate is also involved in the heroin drug trade, and makes some $500 million dollars every year from narcotic sales.[45] This branch of the mafia extends back to the 1980s when the mob concentrated on non-heroin based drugs that they transported into Western Europe.[45] In the 1990s, a switch to heroin was made when Ibrahim decided to use his extensive network of contacts in Dubai and Mumbai, whilst using Karachi as a stockpile centre given it's close proximity to the opium processing labs found in Afghanistan.[45] It has been argued that the opium trade actually allowed D-Company to expand internationally given the amount of money they were making from it; after 1993 Ibrahim had to make for the border to Pakistan after he gave the order to carry out the Mumbai bombings.[45] This has not been without danger, as he now conducted business dealings with Islamist factions within the country, such as the LTTE who were previously crucial in the logistics of D-Company's heroin operations.[45] His mafia also supplies heroin to India, which is transported through shipping and passed onto local drug traffickers in the form of "brown sugar" (heroin base).[45] Some of the drug profits have been funnelled back into the Pakistani economy via the Karachi Stock Exchange, which has possibly partially helped Pakistan in having one of the best exchanges in the world.[45] Operations also extend to Tanzania, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Kenya.[45] Iqbal Mirchi Memon is widely suspected of having been in charge of this division.[45]

The Karachi Stock Exchange (KSE100), worth almost 50,000 points. In one year alone $120 billion dollars worth of money passed through it.

Money Laundering:— As part of their ongoing operations, D-Company have even infiltrated several global stock market exchanges including those of Pakistan, India and Nepal.[46] This perhaps represents one of the most crucial investments the crime family has made as it actively prevents governments of at least two of these countries from eliminating the enterprise.[46] It also makes it very difficult for all of these countries to keep a hold of D-Company's activities.[46] Additionally, the Gulf countries have also been linked to D-Company's stock options. Various shell companies are known to exist in India for the purposes of raising money, but the authorities have a difficult time of linkning them to the Indian stock exchange.[46] According to a 2008 report alone, it is suspected Ibrahim has invested at least $2 billion dollars into the KSE100, and laundered at least $3.5 billion dollars for various criminal organisations across South Asia, via UAE front companies.[46] The KSE as of January 5th, 2017, is worth Rs. 9.75 trillion rupees[47] ($93 billion dollars);[48] making each point on the KSE100 worth $1,860,000 dollars. At one point D-Company had such a choke hold over the KSE100 that it was expected the stock exchange would totally crash if Ibrahim withdrew all the money at once.[46] Why precisely D-Company decided to take this route was because prior to their investments, the US labelled him as a "terrorist supporter",[49] which also drove India to take up the issue to the US.[50] Another seven of his associates are also major players in the KSE.[51]

The Indian Premier League (IPL), generates $1.8 billion dollars for Ibrahim.

Racketeering:— Illegal betting also forms a large part of Ibrahim's empire.[52] In it's entirity, the betting portion accounts for $1.8 billion dollars in annaul income. His influence stretches all the way to the lucrative Indian Premier League (IPL), which was first reported in 2014 by the Indian Supreme Court.[52] It uses hawala transactions to generate betting pools, fixing also both the matches and spots to their own advancement.[52] D-Company both controls the settings, rates and process of betting, resulting in significant profits.[52] At any one match, a betting pool can consist of $25 million dollars worth of bets.[52] Ibrahim also controls the low-level book-keepers.[52] His influence is so great that he even manipulates the odds himself to ensure he profits, although his associate Tiger Memon oversees the entire betting operation.[52] Another mafioso who's identity has remained secret, Manoj Metro and a book keeper, Sunil Dubai are also believed to be important figures in the betting underworld.[52] His involvement shouldn't come as a surprise given the fact that he was often seen attending matches all across India as he socialised with the rich and powerful.[52] During the 1990s Sharad Shetty was also linked to Ibrahim as part of his extensive betting empire. Shetty was however assassinated in 2003, "while entering the India Club in the Oud Metha section of Dubai".[38][53] In 1998, the British newspaper "The Independent" even reported Australia's cricket team even participated in match fixing, but no one in India would talk about it's source.[54]

Alang shipyard which D-Company effectively runs; Gujurat. Modi's home state; which Modi allowed D-Company to operate.

Ship-breaking:— Another industry commonly which D-Company's hands have been found to manipulate is that of the ship breaking industry in India, which has proven extremely lucrative as a result of a lack of regulation.[55] Pakistani nationals are even said to profit from the industry.[55] It is primarily run through corruption payments and fixed cash-only deals.[55] D-Company in this way were evidenced to have smuggled in contraband, firearms, and explosives and other items.[55] The shipping yards in Modi's Gujurat for instance are a prime location for this type of back hand dealing (many of the ships that have been anchored there are said to have disappeared over a short amount of time).[55] This is such a gaping hole in Indian security that it is perhaps amazing Pakistan hasn't exploited it yet.[55] Profits obtained from ship-breaking in Alang, Gujurat, are noted to have been funnelled into match-fixing entities and Ibrahims gambling businesses.[55] The complete running of this side of the business is done by one of his brothers.[55] According to the "India Times", the issue has been taken so seriously by the Indian government now that "[a] top level meeting has been called in Ahmedabad on Tuesday to assess the risk the world's largest ship-breaking yard at Alang runs. The meeting will be attended by officials from Navy, Central and state intelligence bureaus, Coast Guard, Army, Border Security Force, Directorate of Revenue Intelligence, customs and police".[56] Additionally at least 200 agents were actively investigating companies tied to Alang.[56]

Over 60 billion high quality fake notes circulate the Indian economy.

Counterfeiting:— Counterfeit currency is another side of D-Company's operations who allegedly work with Pakistani intelligence agents;[57][n. 8] and at least 61 billion fake currency notes of all denomenations are known to exist in the Indian market.[57] These have a total monetary value of ₹169,000 Crore.[57] How much of this originates in Pakistan, or through the syndicates activities is unknown, although the notes are of such high quality that forensics teams are impressed with the level of detail that has gone into them.[57] One alleged ISI agent was even caught with $252,000 dollars on his person in just one attempt.Cite error: Closing </ref> missing for <ref> tag These notes all probably come from the mobs networks in Thailand, Nepal, Dubai, Bangladesh and India itself.[57] Tribhuvan International Airport in Nepal is particularly relevant as it was previously identified by the authorities as a prime location of counterfeit currency shipments.[30] These deliveries are said to come from ISI printing factories located in Quetta and Multan, with the currency paper itself imported from London.[30][n. 9] Notes are then typically transported through Pakistan International Airlines, or via diplomatic bags shipped from Dubai, Kuala Lumpur, Hong Kong, Bangkok, Colombo or Dhaka.[30] Once in the air they land in Nepal, and the notes are taken to Birganj, India and distributed to the locals through railway stations.[30][n. 10]

Sources

Footnotes

  1. ^ Tensions even occurred between the Muslims within his syndicate, who thought he was too soft retaliating against the Hindus who were murdering Muslims in persecutory massacres.
    1. P. R. Kumaraswamy; Ian Copland (18 October 2013). South Asia: The Spectre of Terrorism. Routledge. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-317-96773-6.
  2. ^ The Indian media, which is dominated by Hindus, often lie about crimes committed by Muslims, and often rile up violence against Muslims.
    1. Nalin Mehta (3 June 2008). Television in India: Satellites, Politics and Cultural Change. Routledge. p. 113. ISBN 978-1-134-06212-6.
  3. ^ Counterfeiting operations are usually far more profitable than the risky drug trades. At least one kilgram of pirated CD's can sell for as much as 3,000 Euros, compared to 1,000 Euros of marijuana. This is often the case for money too unless it is done in large quantities.
    1. Lanning G. Bryer; Scott J. Lebson; Matthew D. Asbell (29 March 2011). Intellectual Property Strategies for the 21st Century Corporation: A Shift in Strategic and Financial Management. John Wiley & Sons. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-118-09597-3.
  4. ^ Indian notes have several security measures which make it difficult to copy the notes, but the Pakistanis were already well ahead of this. Silver Bromide threads are a distinguishing feature of the RBI Bank stamp of authenticity, as well as three separate watermarks, sprinkled UV blue dots and numbers superimposed on the right side, seen only when flipped horizontally. There are only two ways of telling which are fake and which are real, one of which is thickness (which is impossible to gauge), and the latter point on the superimposed images. The ISI's operations are so successful that even successfully replicated the optical fibre line marks seen under UV.
    1. Bharat Verma (19 March 2009). Indian Defence Review. Lancer Publishers. p. 26. ISBN 978-81-7062-164-5.
  5. ^ It has been estimated that ₹5,000 Crore rupees are smuggled in in this way.
    1. Kuldip Singh Ludra (1999). The Serpent Strikes: A study of the activities of Inter Services Intelligence Directorate of Pakistan. Kuldip S. Ludra. p. 138. ISBN 978-81-901218-9-7.
  6. ^ Tensions even occurred between the Muslims within his syndicate, who thought he was too soft retaliating against the Hindus who were murdering Muslims in persecutory massacres.
    1. P. R. Kumaraswamy; Ian Copland (18 October 2013). South Asia: The Spectre of Terrorism. Routledge. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-317-96773-6.
  7. ^ The Indian media, which is dominated by Hindus, often lie about crimes committed by Muslims, and often rile up violence against Muslims.
    1. Nalin Mehta (3 June 2008). Television in India: Satellites, Politics and Cultural Change. Routledge. p. 113. ISBN 978-1-134-06212-6.
  8. ^ Counterfeiting operations are usually far more profitable than the risky drug trades. At least one kilgram of pirated CD's can sell for as much as 3,000 Euros, compared to 1,000 Euros of marijuana. This is often the case for money too unless it is done in large quantities.
    1. Lanning G. Bryer; Scott J. Lebson; Matthew D. Asbell (29 March 2011). Intellectual Property Strategies for the 21st Century Corporation: A Shift in Strategic and Financial Management. John Wiley & Sons. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-118-09597-3.
  9. ^ Indian notes have several security measures which make it difficult to copy the notes, but the Pakistanis were already well ahead of this. Silver Bromide threads are a distinguishing feature of the RBI Bank stamp of authenticity, as well as three separate watermarks, sprinkled UV blue dots and numbers superimposed on the right side, seen only when flipped horizontally. There are only two ways of telling which are fake and which are real, one of which is thickness (which is impossible to gauge), and the latter point on the superimposed images. The ISI's operations are so successful that even successfully replicated the optical fibre line marks seen under UV.
    1. Bharat Verma (19 March 2009). Indian Defence Review. Lancer Publishers. p. 26. ISBN 978-81-7062-164-5.
  10. ^ It has been estimated that ₹5,000 Crore rupees are smuggled in in this way.
    1. Kuldip Singh Ludra (1999). The Serpent Strikes: A study of the activities of Inter Services Intelligence Directorate of Pakistan. Kuldip S. Ludra. p. 138. ISBN 978-81-901218-9-7.

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External Links

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